This is a rush transcript from "Life, Liberty & Levin," July 11, 2021. This copy may not be in its final form and may be updated.

MARK LEVIN, FOX NEWS HOST: Hello, America. Welcome to a very special edition of LIFE, LIBERTY & LEVIN.

Thank you for being here, I'm Mark Levin.

This show, and several of our future shows, I'm going to take you on a little journey. So, I hope you'll stick with us. The sort of thing that's not typically done on television, but that's the nature of this program.

In a few days, my book, "American Marxism" will be released and available to you to purchase. It's the most important book I've ever written. It's my ninth book. And why is it the most important book I've ever written? Because we are not looking into the abyss as a nation, we are in the abyss. And the question now is how do we get out of it?

American Marxism, really the goal here is to unmask what is taking place in this country, whether it's public schools, colleges, and universities; whether it's our government and the push for critical race theory throughout our culture; LatCrit, which is another effort at promoting an ideology. The war on capitalism, they call it climate change. It is a de- growth movement and so forth and so on.

"American Marxism," that title is going to offend a lot of people, particularly the Marxists. Now, who are the Marxists? Are there Marxists? Is this just another Joe McCarthy Big Red Scare?

See these books? This is probably five percent of the books I have that I've been reading for the last two years about what's going on in our classrooms in colleges and universities, and who is promoting it? These books are all available to you. You can get on Amazon, you get them in Barnes & Noble.

It's not like it's a secret.

The problem is these things take place, and we haven't been paying attention. And now, throughout our culture, whether it's newsrooms, whether it's entertainment, whether it's academia, the Democratic Party, this ideology, what I call American Marxism has been spawned from Marxism.

It has been Americanized and it has been used to try and use our differences, our imperfections to exploit them, and to drive this ideology.

I'll just give you some examples.

"Marx and Education" by Jean Anyon. She is no longer with us. She was an iconic figure who pushed the idea and the attitude of Marxism throughout our educational system.

"Critical Race Theory" by Richard Delgado and Jean Stefancic. This is for Joy Reid who doesn't think Marxism is part of critical race theory.

It's also for all those phoneys out there who are saying it's not being taught in elementary and secondary schools. Of course, it is.

More from Jean Anyon. Here we have "The Progressive Education Movement." Here we have "Is Everyone Really Equal?" These are serious books, written by so-called serious scholars that are ubiquitous.

"Frontiers in Social Movement Theory." Don't mind my Post-Its. "Foundations of Critical Race Theory in Education," second edition in case you missed the first edition.

"The Dialectic Imagination: The History of the Frankfurt School," which we'll get into, at some point.

Here we have "The Breaking of the Social Compact" by people you may have heard of Professors, Piven and Cloward, aka Cloward and Piven.

What else do we have here? We've got a lot. We've got a fella by the name of Herbert Marcuse. Who is Herbert Marcuse? Well, you're going to learn about Herbert Marcuse. He is the founding father, the big daddy of American Marxism. He was in Germany at the time that Hitler took over and he was very disappointed.

He thought the communists should have been able to take over. What happened to the great proletariat masses rising up against the bourgeoisie? And this confounded him throughout his life. So he escapes Nazi Germany, comes to America, and he is an ingrate. And what does he do? Well, he is a tenured professor at, at least three top universities in our country, pushing communism and the overthrow of the American system.

"An Essay of Liberation," Marcuse. "Counter Revolution and Revolt," Marcuse. "One Dimensional Man," Marcuse. This was very important to the new left movement in the 1960s, the riots, the anti-war movement, and he's the Big Daddy behind critical theory. That whole Franklin School I just talked about. This is the founding father of that movement. More on that later.

"Reason and Revolution," Herbert Marcuse. Now, all of his writings, you know what I concluded from it? What a complete lightweight. What a complete lightweight. That's what that man was and is.

And then of course, I said, "The Breaking of the Social Compact." What else?

Well, we have just touched little pieces of this, "Navigating Borders: Critical Race Theory Research and Counter History of Undocumented Americans."

"Occupied America: A history of Chicanos." You know who is occupying America? You are, the American citizen, according to books like this.

Many other books. "Gender and Sexuality." Deep discussions in how they intersect with critical race theory and climate change, and so forth.

And speaking of that, here we have, "The Quest for Environmental Justice, Human Rights and Equality." In defense of de-growth -- as you'll see from my book, this whole effort -- climate change, green new deal is about de- growth. Why do you think they want to shut down our energy system? For the so-called solar power and so forth.

"Farewell to Growth." "De-Growth: A Vocabulary for a New Era."

"The Future We Choose: Surviving the Climate Crisis."

Then we have, "What is Critical Environmental Justice?"

"Political Theory and Global Climate Change."

"Climate Crisis and the Global Green New Deal."

Wow. More.

Journalism.

We have a whole new school of journalism that's developed over the last several decades, perhaps you've never heard of it.

"What are Journalists for?" Written by Professor Rosen, a journalism professor. He is a great admirer of a man by the name of John Dewey, an early progressive at the beginning of the last century, who I'll get to in a minute.

"Public journalism." What is public journalism?

"Doing Public Journalism." Again, what is public journalism?

"Public Journalism and Public Life." What is public journalism?

More on public journalism.

Public journalism, is very simple. It's journalism, social activism. And one of their heroes is a man by the name of John Dewey.

John Dewey wrote a lot. He is one of the early progressives. What is progressivism? Progressivism is the progeny of Marxism.

And if you read these men, who wrote extensively at the time, you would know this.

So, when people say, oh, the smart system. No, trust me on this, "Dewey's Dream."

Dewey, "Experience in Education." This is the man who destroyed public education. More on that in a minute.

"Liberalism and Social Action," John Dewey.

"Democracy and Education," John Dewey.

John Dewey and "The Decline of American Education."

"Individualism, Old and New," John Dewey.

I had to read all this stuff, and 10 times the amount to write "American Marxism."

I started this book 16 months ago -- 16 months ago. I finished it three months ago. I wish it had come out a month ago, but it's coming out in the next few days.

And I broke it down this way. It's here. What's here?

Critical race theory, critical theory, critical immigration theory, LatCrit, fanaticism when it comes to climate change. What's climate change? Well, it's a degree here. No, it's not. It's the de-growth movement that was imported into the United States.

What else do we have? Transgenderism. All of this all of a sudden is appearing. But the foundation for these movements, these American Marxist movements, these offshoots from Marxism, they've been in place for decades. It's just that they are appearing now in a big way.

I want to read you a few things from the book, "American Marxism" that will give you some perspective. Obviously, I can't read the whole book. It's over 300 pages with over 400 endnotes, but here's my hope, and it's not self-serving.

Thomas Paine's American crisis had an impact on the country. Over 200,000 copies were read. It was a 47-page pamphlet, much like a paperback book today.

Over 200,000 people read it, there are only about two to two and a half million people in the country at that time. It had an enormous impact on the future.

My hope is that "American Marxism" will have the same kind of impact. So, we can claw our way back out of the abyss and take back our classrooms, take back our economic system, take back our borders that is as red blooded Americans, regardless of your faith, your background, your ancestry, your race, your color; if you love this country, we need to galvanize, we need to unite, and we need a movement.

Not just sporadic individuals, heroes who are taking on this group or that group. We need to push back, nonviolent, but push back.

Now, I have this book broken down into chapters. "It's Here," and I explain: What is here, exactly?

Chapter Two: Breeding Mobs. Because they are being bred.

Chapter Three: Hate America Inc. How our youth are being taught to hate America.

Chapter Four: Racism, Genderism and Marxism.

Chapter Five: Climate Change Fanaticism.

Chapter Six: For you in the media, Propaganda, Censorship, and Subversion.

And then finally, in Chapter Seven: what do we do about all this? We Choose Liberty.

And I provided a number of ideas as I did at the end of "Liberty and Tyranny," what I called the Conservative Manifesto. We choose liberty, which is pushback.

What I'm hoping is, when you acquire this book, you'll take it one page at a time, one chapter at a time, because I think you're going to find it absolutely compelling and intriguing, and you will be in a position to confront in so many different ways what is going on in this country, which right now, I guess for most of us, is just swirling around and frustrating us.

We scratch our heads. We talk to family and friends and we say, look what the hell is happening to our country.

When we come back, I want to demonstrate to you at least a little bit of where this is all coming from and where it's going. We'll be right back.

(COMMERCIAL BREAK)

LEVIN: Welcome back, America. So, as we continue this journey, it's one step at a time, and I think it'll become very, very useful.

And in my book, "American Marxism," I start the hate America Inc. chapter.

"Early progressive intellectuals were sympathetic toward the Marxist ideology as they are today and even embraced its core themes. 'The New York Times' of all publications, education writer, Felicity Barringer, penned in October 29, 1989, 'The Mainstreaming of Marxism in U.S. Colleges.' She revealed in part that as Karl Marx's ideological heirs in communist nation struggled to transform his political legacy, his intellectual errors on American campuses have virtually completed their own transformation from brash, beleaguered outsiders to assimilated academic insiders."

She goes on, "It could be considered a success story for the students of class struggle, who were once regarded as subversives. But some scholars say that as Marxists have adapted their ties to the 19th Century German philosopher have fragmented into a loosely knit collection of theories, with little in common, and in the past decade, while the prosperity of Western economies has made Marxism irrelevant too many, new rival radical theories have arisen to challenge the Marxist themselves."

So way back in 1989, even a writer for "The New York Times" recognized what was going on in this country.

"Thus there has been an Americanized adaption of Marxism, which uses Marx's core precepts and contextualizes them to the American system in order to effectively overthrow the system -- governmental, economic, social and cultural. Indeed, the report goes on to say: 'Marxism and feminism Marxism and deconstruction, Marxism and race.'"

"This is where the exciting debates are said Jonathan M. Weiner, a Professor of History at the University of California at Irvine."

"Indeed, in 1989, at the time of the article's publication, the seeds of a radical fringe ideology, critical theory and the unraveling of the existing society by weaponizing. The culture against itself began their early bloom throughout the American landscape, but with little public notice."

"In fact, 'The New York Times' Barringer unknowingly exposes what will become a central tenet of critical race theory and other adaptions of Marxism to Americanism. That is the assault on American history, institutions, and traditions, or the dominant white culture, if you will, including by her own employer and publisher, 'The New York Times.' In such schemes as the 1619 Project. She writes, 'Deconstructionists deny that one can understand any experience of the past, because the evidence for any conclusion comes from people's observations, most of which appear in a text. Deconstructionists maintain the texts are only stories told by people who leave out what they deem unimportant, and that's such omissions keep written history from being reliable evidence about reality.'''

"Thus, folks, the war on the traditional teaching of history begins its metastasization throughout academia."

In other words, we can't trust what's been written. It's been written by these biased individuals who had to pro-America and as you'll later see, who are white, and so nothing they write can be trusted.

"In American colleges and universities, there is no limit to how professors can and do use Marxism as a doctrinal tool. Barringer explained: 'Diversity is now the signature of one's monolithic Marxism.'"

"Professor Spivak who teaches English at the University of Pittsburgh calls herself a Marxist feminist. Professor Romer, Economics Professor at the University of California Davis designs Marxist market driven economics, and Eric Olin Wright, a Sociology Professor at the University of Wisconsin calls himself an analytic Marxist, seeking to break Marx's grand theories down into components."

"So while Barringer's expose is quite accurate, and the consequences of multifaceted applications of Marxism are manifest today throughout modern America, the so-called brash Marxist still exist. And their numbers are growing both on campus and throughout the society, culture and government."

Folks, I said this would be a journey, one piece at a time.

And when we come back, you see what they wrote many years ago about what's going on in our college campuses, well, it has happened.

And now, they have a theory called intersectionality, where all these disparate Marxist movements spawned from Marxism intersect to become a collective, an aggregate in order to take on the existing society, in order to take on the existing culture, in order to devour now.

(COMMERCIAL BREAK)

JON SCOTT, FOX NEWS CHANNEL ANCHOR: Welcome to "FOX News Live." I'm Jon Scott

Former President Donald Trump getting an enthusiastic welcome from conservatives in Dallas, Texas today. The former President spoke for 90 minutes on topics ranging from President Biden, former members of his administration and critical race theory.

Trump told the crowd the radical left and socialists will be defeated. Adding his supporters will make America great again.

The former President handily won the Conservative Political Action Committee's presidential straw poll.

Recovery work continues at the collapsed condo building in Surfside, Florida. The number of confirmed dead now stands at 90. Their families have been notified, 31 people remain missing. Authorities say recovery efforts will continue until everyone is found.

I'm Jon Scott. Now back to LIFE, LIBERTY & LEVIN.

LEVIN: Welcome back, America.

As you can see in our first step in this journey, I'm discussing education a lot, before we get the critical race theory, because a base or foundation was set to enable our teachers unions, our administrators, the radicals to secrete themselves into the system to promote their agenda.

So, this is a step by step process, and I don't want you to say to yourselves, well, we know all this, that's great. What do we do about it? We will get to that, but we've got to know what's taken place in order to figure out how to unravel it.

You heard me earlier mention John Dewey and his impact on public education. It was enormous. He was one of the early so-called progressive intellectuals. And his role in drastically altering the traditional purposes of education, as I write in "America Marxism" into a social activism movement is manifest throughout education today.

Dewey acknowledged and approved of Marxism's influence on a relationship to the progressive movement, I quote him, quote, "The issue which Marx raised, the relation of the economic structure to political is one that actively persists. Indeed, it forms the only basis of present political questions."

Remember, this is the man who had the greatest influence on public education, and the way he changed it. "We are in for some kind of socialism, call it whatever name we please. And no matter what it will be called, when it is realized, economic determinism, that's Marx's theory of economic class struggle between among others, the capitalist and the proletariat is now a fact," he says. It is not a theory.

"But there is a difference and a choice between a blind chaotic and unplanned determinism, issuing from business conducted for pecuniary profit, and the determination of a socially planned and ordered development. It is the difference and the choice between a socialism that is public, and one that is capitalistic.

He is saying, why sit around and wait for the capitalists to determine what kind of socialism we're going to have? Let us grab hold of the system, and we'll make that determination.

"Dewey was an early fan of the Soviet Union and its so-called educational system, or more precisely, its massive propaganda efforts, where obedience and conformity were contorted as a new unity. Sound familiar? He visited the communist regime under Stalin, and in December 1928 wrote in 'The New Republic,' that quote, 'in the transitional state of Russia, (of course, communist regimes are always in transitional states) chief significance attaches to the mental and moral (pace the Marxians) change that is taking place."

"That while in the end, this transformation is supposed to be a means to economic and political change. For the present, it is the other way around. The consideration is equivalent to saying that the import of all institutions is educational in the broad sense -- that of their effects upon disposition and attitude. Their function is to create habits, so that persons will act cooperatively and collectively, as readily as now in capitalistic countries where they act individualistically."

So, we can't have individual thought, free thought, or that sort of thing. As I point out, "Here is one of the founding fathers of America's progressive movement, who had lectured about science and reason praising the forced brainwashing of the Russian population by the brutal regime of communist dictator Joseph Stalin. And keep in mind, Dewey remains central to the so-called modern day progressive movement in academia, in the media, and elsewhere."

Now, he continued. "The same consideration defines the importance and the purpose of the narrow education agencies, the schools. They represent a direct and concentrated effort to obtain the effect which other institutions develop in a diffused and roundabout manner. The schools are in current phase, the ideological arm of the revolution. A consequence, the activities of the schools dovetail in the most extraordinary way, both in administration and organization and an aim and spirit into all other social agencies and interests."

John Dewey. John Dewey, Minister of Public Education in America. John Dewey, one of the great heroes of the public journalism school of thought. John Dewey says use these schools for indoctrination, use these schools to advance the government's agenda.

A man who was praising Stalin, praising the school system 1928 -- by 1928, everybody knew who Stalin was, one of the founding fathers of the progressive movement.

Now, ladies and gentlemen, this is not quote-unquote, "merely academic." These tentacles have reached deep into American society. You see on television parents trying to push back against critical race theory, or transgenderism being taught to eight and nine year olds or the fanatics, anti-capitalists, all dressed up as climate change and so forth.

And we're going to discuss these various issues of the course of the next several weeks. But you need to see the basis for this.

Marxism, it is not a coincidence that one of the things that Joy Reid did on MSNBC as fast as she could, and she is one of the, in my view, the most aggressive ideologues on television, in addition to being a bigot, given her posts on social media that they quickly tried to wipe out.

But nonetheless, she immediately ran to the defense of critical race theory and said, oh, people are saying it's based on Marxism and so forth. Ladies and gentlemen, you have to be an ignoramus or illiterate not to know it's based in Marxism because the people who founded it were open Marxists. They wrote books and books and books about it.

Everybody who reads this stuff knows it. So, now we're getting what's called propaganda from the usual corrupt media sources. On the one hand, they say push it, all we're doing is teaching history, slavery, racism; on the other hand, they say we're not teaching, what we are teaching is American history.

They are liars. They are liars.

And it's not just racism. The way I look at critical race theory, which we'll discuss in a future program in a more detail is think of Louis Farrakhan who is an anti-Semite. He is a racist, virulent, anti-white individual. He is a separatist and a nationalist. That's critical race theory dressed up as scholarship -- Louis Farrakhan.

But it's even worse, because the ultimate goal is not harmony, it is not diversity, it is not a colorblind society, which they reject. It's a Marxist-oriented society.

Why do you think the founders of Black Lives Matter are open about their Marxism? Antifa is a Marxist anarchist organization. Bernie Sanders can say he is a Democratic socialist, all they want. He sure as hell sounds like an American Marxist.

All this stuff about class warfare, all this stuff about racism, and so forth, the oppressed versus the oppressor. These are the models of Karl Marx, not in every detail, technical particular, it is the Americanization of it.

Now, because I'm saying these things, the very people who promote them, defend them and celebrate them will attack me and will attack this program. So, here's a warning to you. Ignore them. They're the problem.

These are the people we need to overcome in order to claw back and take our society back, our freedom back, our unalienable rights back to have our diverse, open, benevolent, tolerant society back. Ignore them.

And I'll be right back.

(COMMERCIAL BREAK)

LEVIN: Welcome back, America. I'm here with the great Bob Woodson who I've known Good Lord, Bob, 40 years or so, something like that.

Bob served in the Air Force. Bob was involved in the Civil Rights Movement. Bob founded the Woodson Center, founder and President, and he has started this organization, the 1776 Unite.

You know, Bob Woodson, you've spent your entire life trying to help other people, you really have. And you've been in the inner cities, you've been in the communities, you've been in the neighborhoods, you've met the people. You're looking for solutions, creative solutions. You're working within the system, you're looking at capitalism.

You have nothing but respect for this nation's founding imperfections. And so every nation has them. Some are bigger than others, and every nation has to wrestle with them. Well, all don't, but most do.

And you're watching groups like Black Lives Matter, you're watching the media, you're watching this administration. And they are tearing the country to pieces. What is your -- after all these years of trying to build up the inner cities, to see the riots of the last year and so forth, and so on, what goes through your mind?

ROBERT WOODSON, FOUNDER, WOODSON CENTER: What goes through my mind is that all of the sacrifices that Dr. King and many of the people who died in the Civil Rights Movement, they were fighting for inclusion. This was a revolution of inclusion.

And as Dr. King said, we must, as a minority help America and insist that they live up to its promise in the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, and Dr. King saw inclusion. But he also said that we should all be judged by the content of our character and we were really looking for an opportunity to compete and we were successful.

And we were -- and as blacks, we were successful, because we were following -- the foundation of our actions was based upon what the founders of this nation did, and it is our faith, family, self-determination that black America was never defined by oppression or by slavery or by Jim Crow.

But people today in the name of social justice for blacks have really hijacked that rich legacy of Civil Rights and are using America's birth defect of slavery as a bludgeon against the country, and it is destroying the very people they say they are trying to help.

And so what we are -- we believe that the answer has forced them to put up and shut up. The question is, are you promoting racial grievance, critical race theory? What does the future look like? Tell me what a nation looks like if you were to follow this doctrine that is separation?

We have examples at the Woodson Center of how we can rebuild low income communities that are overcome with drugs and violence, but it must be restored from the inside out. And so we believe that that we've got the track record, and that the way you undermine those who are trying to destroy this country is to provide the means for the people to speak for themselves.

Columnist Bill Raspberry really outlined the problem back in 1997. He says, "Find me a black child with ambition, confidence, determination, and I'll show you the child's future success. Find me a white child without ambition, without confidence, without determination, and I'll show you that child's future failure. Opportunities given to him will not spell success and opportunities denied to the black boy will not cause him to fail."

This is the fundamental foundation that we must rebuild this country. And I believe that low income blacks are the new patriots, because everything is being done in the name of helping them, and they are pushing back against those who would defund the police, the voices of black Mothers United, these are 2,500 mothers who lost their children to violence, they are the ones who are stepping up and saying, we want to support the police.

And so Mark, we must really give voice to those who are suffering directly the problems of all this violence and chaos, and let them speak for themselves and let them expel these race mongers, let them be the cleansing agents to push back against this assault on the nation.

LEVIN: You're so right, Bob Woodson. The problem is, these people of which you speak, are never given a camera. They're never given a microphone. It's as if they don't exist in the Big Media, Big Tech, and the Democratic Party, because it doesn't serve their purpose.

They are rejecting Americanism. That is these so-called elites, self- appointed elites, they are rejecting the principles that make freedom and opportunity and success possible. They are preventing school choice and economic competition in the inner cities.

They are preventing the ability of law enforcement to take the thugs and the criminals off the street who are raping and brutalizing and selling drugs and killing fellow minorities, all in the name of what? And then the people who do this and the Democratic Party and these Democratic cities and so forth and so on, they claim to represent the very people who are being impoverished and brutalized and prevented -- prevented -- from sharing in the American experience. Isn't this the huge problem?

WOODSON: It is the problem. The question is, whether it is a path forward? So, what we're saying is that we -- it's not going to be done by engaging in debate with the other side. We have to demonstrate by our actions, by going to institutions like The Piney Woods School, 110-year-old black boarding school that only takes in children at high-risk families, and over the over the years, they have mandatory chapel, mandatory work, and 96 percent of these kids graduate and go on to college and live successful lives. There is an example of a pathway from poverty to prosperity.

We must make sure that organizations that actions exemplify the American values. They should be the most prosperous.

LEVIN: Well said, and we'll be right back.

(COMMERCIAL BREAK)

LEVIN: Welcome back, America.

Bob Woodson, well what do you say to these groups that receive tens and tens of millions of dollars and all this focus and attention, and it's not just Black Lives Matter and other organizations who don't really hang around after the action is over, to help with schools, to help a poverty and that sort of thing. They leave these communities for the most part, and reorganize and push their agenda, much of which has nothing to do with race and everything to do with overthrowing the system.

What do you say to these groups?

WOODSON: Well, first of all, I think what we say, I believe that experience always trumps an argument that when -- if you want to prove a point, we should take -- so what we do at the Woodson Center is there are models that we have in Washington. D.C. over a 10-year period, a most toxic troubled public housing development of Kenilworth Parks out here in far northeast, there are 680 kids in 10 years who went on to college. They drove the drug dealers out. They produced jobs. Welfare-ism went down. Marriage increased.

Mark, there have been models of moral and spiritual excellence where people in these communities are applying old values to a new vision. But they exemplify that, but they they're in isolation. We need to embrace what they have done. We need to talk about it. We need to do movies about it.

We must promote examples. People want to see a sermon, they don't want to hear any more about sermons. And so, if you want to convince people of the righteousness of your cause, of the soundness of the virtues and values of the nation, then we must do as Jesus did and that is heal in the presence of people and say to doubters, go back and report what you've seen.

The Woodson Center has enough models on the ground of moral and spiritual excellence that exemplifies what Chuck Swindoll wrote about something parallel with Raspberry. He said, "I am convinced that life is 10 percent of what happens to me and 90 percent how I react to it. We are in charge of our attitude. It is more important than the past, than education, than circumstances, than failure, than success, than any other thing that people would say or do about us."

In other words, it is character that is -- it represents the principal means by which people excel and move from poverty to prosperity. And these -- and it is on the foundation of America's founding values and virtues. It is that foundation that has caused people to propel and move from poverty to prosperity.

And so we must elevate them, and make them the spokesperson against these naysayers who are profiting from the death of blacks in these cities and their despair. These are prophets of despair.

LEVIN: Let me ask you a question. Have you been contacted by anybody in the Biden administration to share your models with them, so they might consider promoting that kind of America versus the kind of America they seem to be promoting?

WOODSON: No, they haven't, nor have they been able to answer how ending institutional racism will address the challenges facing the inner city. We have 400 people murdered over this Fourth of July weekend, 150 were shot and 150 were killed. The question is, how does ending institutional racism address that problem?

There is nothing that -- I think it was James Baldwin who said, when white people learn to love other white people, there won't be a black problem, which means that whites are too willing to accept the charge that they are guilty of institutional racism, and I think it is fueling a lot of the violence.

If you say that white people are superior, you're saying that black people are inferior. In both cases, it's destructive, but the challenge of it must come from the people in whose name people are saying they are taking this action.

That's why the Woodson Center concentrating on empowering those whose lives exemplify the best of the virtues and principles and values of this nation.

LEVIN: Now, we only have a minute or so, Bob, are you optimistic or pessimistic about the next five or 10 years?

WOODSON: I am optimistic, because I have to be. We have come too far as a nation to turn back. There is no other place in the world like America. If civilization fails here, it fails all over the world.

People of color are risking their lives to get here, and I am determined to spend the rest of my life rescuing this country from itself. And I am hopeful because so many of my grassroots leaders that I've served for over 40 years, their lives exemplify a pathway from poverty to prosperity, so I'm optimistic.

I have to be, you know, David fought Goliath that I remember who won that fight.

LEVIN: As long as the American people are engaged, as long as the American people are aware of what's taking place, I'm optimistic, too. And that's the point of this program and that's the point of having you on this program.

Bob Woodson, thank you very much, and God bless you, my friend.

WOODSON: And bless you, too, Mark.

LEVIN: We'll be right back.

(COMMERCIAL BREAK)

LEVIN: Welcome back. Four of the greatest man who ever lived in America and did more for civil liberties and civil rights than anybody alive today -- Abraham Lincoln, Frederick Douglass, Ulysses S. Grant, and Martin Luther King Jr. -- would be appalled at what's going on in this country today. Not one of them, none of them believed in overturning this society.

Not one of them rejected the Declaration of Independence. In fact, they cited it over and over again. Why shouldn't they?

Not one of them rejected the Constitution of the United States. They all embraced it, every single one of them.

Abraham Lincoln lost his life. Martin Luther King lost his life. Ulysses S. Grant led the Union forces defeating the Confederacy and the Democratic Party, which insisted on slavery, segregation, and separation.

And yet I hear the same thing over and over again -- separation, segregation -- by the Marxist left today, how they demean Abraham Lincoln, how they demean even Frederick Douglass, how they demean Ulysses S. Grant, how they demean Martin Luther King. What do you mean a colorblind society?

All these Civil Rights activists and Civil Rights movements, and these Supreme Court decisions and these Civil Rights Acts that were passed by Congress, all that did was enshrine the white dominant society.

This is a poison. This American Marxism will destroy this country if it's not stemmed. It's now bleeding into our classrooms supported by the teachers union, supported by the media, supported by the Democratic Party and the President of the United States.

Biden is no Abraham Lincoln. He is no Ulysses S Grant. And Black Lives Matter, they are no Frederick Douglass, they are no Martin Luther King, Jr.

This is a great country. This is a magnificent country. Just look at the border and the people pouring over from every corner of the world trying to escape their countries and their culture.

This is a nation worth defending. And that's what my book "American Marxism" is about. That's what this movement is about, that's what this show is about.

See you next time on LIFE, LIBERTY & LEVIN.

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