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The America first National Security Strategy — through the eyes of 'We the People'
By Roger Zakheim
Published December 18, 2025
President Donald Trump’s newly released National Security Strategy breaks the mold of White House strategy documents being a product of an elite policy consensus. From the outset, the document declares that America’s foreign-policy establishment "went astray," overextending the nation abroad and ignoring the wishes and instincts of ordinary citizens. The document presents its "America First" approach as a strategy grounded in the will of We the People.
Conveniently, we now have a clear picture of what the American people actually think when it comes to our most pressing national security challenges. Our Reagan National Defense Survey, released just days before the strategy, offers one of the clearest assessments of public attitudes toward national defense, foreign policy, allies and adversaries. Together, the strategy and the survey reveal a story of both striking alignment and meaningful misalignment — a mixed bag that says as much about America’s evolving worldview as it does about the administration’s.
On the essentials, the people and the president are in remarkable agreement. The strategy elevates "peace through strength" as a core principle, declaring that America must sustain "the world’s most powerful, lethal, and technologically advanced military" to deter adversaries and maintain global stability. Americans emphatically agree. The Reagan survey shows 87% of the public believes it is important that the United States have the strongest military in the world and 71% say the world is more peaceful when America leads from a position of unrivaled strength. This is a national consensus in an age when consensus is hard to find.
AMERICA HAS TO RESPOND WITH A UNITED FRONT TO CHINA’S MASSIVE ECONOMIC WARFARE
The alignment continues when one looks at the administration’s major modernization priorities. The strategy calls for a "Golden Dome," a next-generation missile-defense shield for the homeland and a "Golden Fleet" to counter China’s massive advantage in naval shipbuilding. Here too, the American people are ahead of the political class. Sixty-eight percent support major new investments to build the Golden Dome system, and when told China can produce more than 200 ships for every one U.S. ship, an astonishing 88% say the United States needs more manufacturing capacity — with 62% saying it needs a lot more. The public is not only receptive to rebuilding American military power; it is demanding it.
The strategy and polling are well-aligned on China. The NSS devotes more attention to the People’s Republic of China than to any other competitor, describing how "American elites—over four successive administrations of both political parties—were either willing enablers of China’s strategy or in denial." President Trump seeks to "rebalance" the U.S. economic relationship with Beijing, counter its military buildup and deter attempts to dominate strategic supply chains, framing — though not naming — China as the defining threat of this century. The American people agree. Forty-eight percent identify China as the greatest threat to the United States — outpacing Russia two-to-one — and large majorities support forward deterrence in the Indo-Pacific, including moving U.S. military assets to defend Taiwan in the event of a Chinese attack. Americans understand the stakes. They want the United States to compete — and win.
But, the places of divergence are just as revealing. For all its clarity on China, the strategy takes a more restrained tone when describing America’s allies, especially in Europe. It questions Europe’s economic vitality, strategic reliability and even its "civilizational self-confidence," suggesting the continent may not be a dependable partner in the long run. When it comes to Russia, the strategy is relatively muted, prioritizing "strategic stability" in the U.S.-Russia relationship despite Russia’s war against Ukraine and actions against NATO.
The American people, by contrast, are extraordinarily clear-eyed about who is a friend and who is a foe. The Reagan survey shows that 75% of Americans see Ukraine as an ally or partner, 66% say the same of Israel, and 67% of Taiwan. Survey respondents overwhelmingly favor restricting the sale of advanced semiconductors to China, with 65% supporting strict limits to prevent Beijing from gaining military or strategic advantages. Yet the Trump administration’s strategy opens the door to continued chip sales — prioritizing dollar flows and commercial reciprocity over maintaining America’s long-term technological edge. Meanwhile, 79% view Russia as an enemy and 77% view China as an adversary. These are not marginal views; they are overwhelming majorities. Americans are not confused, conflicted or ambivalent about where the threats lie. They see the world for what it is.
The same clarity appears in attitudes toward international engagement. While the strategy calls for a "predisposition to non-interventionism" and insists on a dramatically narrower definition of U.S. vital interests, Americans take a more outward-looking view. Sixty-four percent say the United States should be more engaged and take the lead internationally — not retreat or stand back — while only 33% prefer a less engaged approach. This is not a public demanding isolation; it is a public demanding leadership grounded in purpose and realism. They want America to avoid endless wars, but, they also want an American-led global order.
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NATO presents another tension. The strategy’s skepticism toward Europe stands in contrast to Americans’ enduring support for the alliance. Sixty-eight percent of the public have a favorable view of NATO, and 76% support defending a NATO ally if attacked. Even among those who initially express support for U.S. withdrawal, large majorities reconsider when told that NATO allies have committed to raising their defense spending to 5% of GDP — a credit to President Trump’s leadership on the issue. Americans agree with the strategy when it comes to fairness and burden-sharing, but they also understand that alliances are strategic assets — not liabilities.
The Middle East also reveals another disconnect. The strategy argues that the region should no longer dominate U.S. foreign policy, noting its declining importance to American economic security due to rising U.S. energy production. Yet Americans remain deeply attentive to the region’s threats. Majorities support preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons, favor providing military assistance to Israel under certain circumstances, and remain wary of terrorism and instability emanating from the region. Americans understand if we take our eye off the Middle East, we do so at our own risk.
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Taken together, the Reagan survey reveals something profound. The American people are not isolationist. They are not naive. They are not confused about the nature of America’s alliances or the threats facing the country. They are realists — clear-eyed about adversaries, supportive of our allies, committed to deterrence and overwhelmingly united around the principle that American strength is essential for global peace. President Trump’s National Security Strategy captures these instincts by prioritizing developing unrivaled military power, industrial revitalization and strategic competition with China. But, its skepticism toward European allies, its relative quiet regarding Russia and its approach to the Middle East diverge from where the American people actually stand.
In the United States, national security strategies often garner little attention outside of Washington, D.C. But, allied capitals and adversaries from Beijing to Moscow read the NSS carefully and take it seriously. If "America First" means aligning foreign policy with the will of the American people, then the clarity of that will should guide the strategy’s implementation. Americans know who their friends are, who their enemies are and what it takes to keep the country safe.
https://www.foxnews.com/opinion/america-first-security-strategy-through-eyes-we-people